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A quick skim of this article suggests that it's written very much with a nationalist bias, as a narrative of the rise of the Indian nation against a foreign oppressor. The conclusion, for instance, claims that Gandhi's satyagraha technique was responsible for ousting the British - this is very simplistic and fails to consider wider pressures on the British, and especially the economic impact of the Second World War on the Raj. It also suggests, wrongly, that the Independence achieved was the Independence that Gandhi would have wanted to see. Also, I believe that Non-Cooperation was against the 1919 Government of India Act, not the 1918 Rowlatt Act - this prompted a separate satyagraha, the 'Rowlatt Satyagraha', in 1919. I'll check it all over properly when I have time, if nobody gets round to it before me. 184.108.40.206 15:04, 18 May 2006 (UTC) DH
The article states: Wow "Millions of India's Muslims were also antagonized by the Government's support of Mustafa Kemal of Turkey, who had overthrown the Sultan of Turkey, considered the Caliph of Islam. Muslim leaders formed the Khilafat committee to protest the actions and find a way to effectively stop the British authorities from neglecting their concerns."
I'm sorry, but this is wrong. The Khilafat moment lasted from 1921 to 1924 until Mustafa Kemal "Atatürk" abolished the sultanate. Mustafa Kemal was waging a war to prevent Anatolia (present-day Turkey) from being divided between Italy, France, the UK, and Greece, and he was successful. The Muslims of India did not know that Mustafa Kemal wanted to create a Western-style republic. They only say him win against the European powers and thought that he would be the hero who would raise the caliph and Islamic civilization to its former glory. When he succeeded in reconquering Turkey and abolished the caliphate in 1924, the Muslims of India were shocked: Their hero had done what they thought he would be fighting against! So the Khilafat movement dissolved after 1924. Curryfranke (talk) 16:18, 20 January 2010 (UTC)
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Workers too had their own understanding of Mahatma Gandhi and the notion of swaraj. For plantation workers in Assam, freedom meant the right to move freely in and out of the confined space in which they were enclosed, and it meant retaining a link with the village from which they had come. Under the Inland Emigration Act of 1859, plantation workers were not permitted to leave the tea gardens without permission, and in fact they were rarely given such permission. When they heard of the Non-Cooperation Movement, thousands of workers defied the authorities, left the plantations and headed home. They believed that Gandhi Raj was coming and everyone would be given land in their own village. They, however, never reached their destination. Stranded on the way by a railway and steamer strike, they were caught by the police and brutally beaten up. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Shubhrajit Sadhukhan (talk • contribs) 09:52, 11 June 2020 (UTC)
In the Gudem Hills of Andhra Pradesh, for instance, a militant guerrilla movement spread in the early 1920s - not a form of struggle that the Congress could approve. Here, as in other forest regions, the colonial government had closed large forest areas, preventing people from entering the forests to graze their cattle, or to collect fuel wood and fruits. This enraged the hill people. Not only were their livelihoods affected but they felt that their traditional rights were being denied. When the government began forcing them to contribute begar for road building, the hill people revolted. The person who came to lead them was an interesting figure. Alluri Sitaram Raju claimed that he had a variety of special powers: he could make correct astrological predictions and heal people, and he could survive even bullet shots. Captivated by Raju, the rebels proclaimed that he was an incarnation of God. Raju talked of the greatness of Mahatma Gandhi, said he was inspired by the Non-Cooperation Movement, and persuaded people to wear khadi and give up drinking. But at the same time he asserted that India could be liberated only by the use of force, not non-violence. The Gudem rebels attacked police stations, attempted to kill British officials and carried on guerrilla warfare for achieving swaraj. Raju was captured and executed in 1924, and over time became a folk hero. Shubhrajit Sadhukhan (talk) 09:57, 11 June 2020 (UTC)
The movement started with middle-class participation in the cities.
Thousands of students left government-controlled schools and colleges, headmasters and teachers resigned, and lawyers give up their legal practices. The council elections were boycotted in most provinces except Madras, where the Justice Party, the party of the non-Brahmans, felt that entering the council was one way of gaining some power-something that usually only Brahmans had access to
The effects of non-cooperation on the economic front were more dramatic. Foreign goods were boycotted, liquor shops picketed, and foreign cloth burnt in huge bonfires. The import of foreign cloth halved between 1921 and 1922, its value dropping from Rs 102 crore to Rs 57 crore. In many places merchants and traders refused to trade in foreign goods or finance foreign trade. As the boycott movement spread, and people began discarding imported clothes and wearing only Indian ones, production of Indian textile mills and handlooms went up.
But this movement in the cities gradually slowed down for a variety of reasons. Khadi cloth was often more expensive than mass produced mill cloth and poor people could not afford to buy it.
How then could they boycott mill cloth for too long? Similarly the boycott of British institutions posed a problem. For the movement to be successful, alternative Indian institutions had to be set up so that they could be used in place of the British ones. These were slow to come up. So students and teachers began trickling back to government schools and lawyers joined back work in government courts. Shubhrajit Sadhukhan (talk) 09:58, 11 June 2020 (UTC)
In Awadh, peasants were led by Baba Ramchandra -a sanyasi who had earlier been to Fiji as an indentured labourer. The movement here was against talukdars and landlords who demanded from peasants exorbitantly high rents and a variety of other cesses. Peasants had to do begarand work at landlords' farms without any payment.
As tenants they had no security of tenure, being regularly evicted so that they could acquire no right over the leased land. The peasant movement demanded reduction of revenue, abolition of begar, and social boycott of oppressive landlords. In many places nai – dhobi bandhs were organised by panchayats to deprive landlords of the services of even barbers and washermen. In June 1920, Jawaharlal Nehru began going around the villages in Awadh, talking to the villagers, and trying to understand their grievances. By October, the Oudh Kisan Sabha was set up headed by Jawaharlal Nehru, Baba Ramchandra and a few others. Within a month, over 300 branches had been set up in the villages around the region. So when the Non Cooperation Movement began the following year, the effort of the Congress was to integrate the Awadh peasant struggle into the wider struggle. The peasant movement, however, developed in forms that the Congress leadership was unhappy with. As the movement spread in 1921, the houses of talukdars and merchants were attacked, bazaars were looted, and grain hoards were taken over. In many places local leaders told peasants that Gandhiji had declared that no taxes were to be paid and land was to be redistributed among the poor. The name of the Mahatma was being invoked to sanction all action and aspirations.
What is non corporation movement
Non cooperation movement
•Two word definition : –transport and storage •Prefix and suffix –endo=inside –plasma =fluid –reticulate =repeated patterns •Two types of Endoplasmic Reticulum (ER): 1.Rough Endoplasmic Reticulum 2.Smooth Endoplasmic Reticulum